Yes, back again. I’ve been holding off on this post and the next one for a little while, mostly because it seemed appropriate to release them close to the anniversary of the beginning of American Civil War.
Why?
Because these posts are going to be a comparative analysis of the US and Confederate constitutions, that’s why.
Now, an explanation is in order here. I’ve always heard that the Confederate Constitution was basically the US Constitution, just with slavery specifically mentioned, enshrined, and protected. Out of curiosity, I decided to see if that was so. Fortunately, the secessionists in Montgomery believed in “work smarter, not harder,” so there aren’t any formatting differences, and everything is basically in the same order.
And the thing is, this gets to why this kind of analysis is actually useful—the seceding states thought the basic system of governance was fine, they just thought it needed some tweaking and that said tweaking wasn’t going to happen as long as they were part of the USA. As a result, looking at the changes made to the basic governing document of the new polity can tell us a lot about what the secessionists thought was important, which can tell us a lot about why they decided to secede to begin with.
The Confederate constitution is on the left, the US constitution (as of 1861) is on the right. All parts of the former not found in the latter are highlighted in grey; all parts of the latter not found in the former are highlighted in blue, with the exception of the titles of the various articles and sections, which I have removed from the US constitution to make for easier reading and comparison. Without further ado, let’s begin.
| Preamble We, the people of the Confederate States, each State acting in its sovereign and independent character, in order to form a permanent federal government, establish justice, insure domestic tranquillity, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity invoking the favor and guidance of Almighty God do ordain and establish this Constitution for the Confederate States of America. | Preamble We, the people of the United States, in order to form a more perfect Union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, provide for the common defense, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the United States of America. |
This whole thing is kind of fascinating, and gets to some of the theoretical debate surrounding the US Constitution that led to people thinking that secession was a legitimate option.
The deliberate inclusion of “each state acting in its sovereign and independent character” is an enshrinement of what was referred to as “compact theory,” which was the idea that the US Constitution was a “compact” between the states, and as a result, if some of those states didn’t like it, they could leave and the other states would have no right to stop them.
I should note here that secession then was not as unthinkable as it is today; while the 1814 Hartford Convention, held in New England as a result of the War of 1812, disavowed secession, the topic was discussed there, and William Lloyd Garrison proposed that the free states secede from the slave states so as not to be tainted by association. The notion that secession was a legitimate possibility was certainly a minority viewpoint even at the time, but it would be the Civil War that would render it the province of the lunatic fringe.
Then, of course, we have “more perfect Union” versus “permanent federal government.” The reason why this is an important difference is because of how the word “federal” was used. In those days, and in the days of Madison, Washington, and Jefferson, the idea of “federal” government meant divided government, that is, between the national government and the state governments, rather than a term for the national government of the United States. In other words, the secessionists believed that the US constitution, with its emphasis on the singular union, had too much of an emphasis on national authority and an insufficient respect for state authority—which was a claim that was not out of the mainstream, was one of the main bones of contention during the ratification process, and was one of the big debates in the early days of the republic.
A curious deletion in the Confederate constitution is that of “common defense” and “general welfare”—while it is possible that the secessionists were just massive jerks, I find this to be a somewhat dubious reason for the deletion. I suspect that it was a way to emphasize the “divided” nature of the Confederate polity.
The final difference is that the Confederate preamble contains an explicit appeal to God; Lincoln’s Second Inaugural Address expresses my thoughts on the illegitimacy of said appeal quite well. At any rate, said appeal was probably included here for political reasons.
| Article I Section I All legislative powers herein delegated shall be vested in a Congress of the Confederate States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives. | Article I Section 1 All legislative powers herein granted shall be vested in a Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and House of Representatives. |
The only difference here is between “delegated” and “granted,” which is fairly minor definitionally, but the words do have very different connotations—something that is “delegated” to someone is usually understood to be a temporary possession, whereas a grant is usually understood to be permanent.
| Section 2 1. The House of Representatives shall be composed of members chosen every second year by the people of the several States; and the electors in each State shall be citizens of the Confederate States, and have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State Legislature; but no person of foreign birth, not a citizen of the Confederate States, shall be allowed to vote for any officer, civil or political, State or Federal. | Section 2 1. The House of Representatives shall be composed of members chosen every second year by the people of the several States, and the elector in each State shall have the qualifications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State Legislature. |
Worth noting here is that the Confederate constitution explicitly bars non-citizens from voting, while the US constitution does not. I am not entirely sure why.
| 2. No person shall be a Representative who shall not have attained the age of twenty-five years, and be a citizen of the Confederate States, and who shall not when elected, be an inhabitant of that State in which he shall be chosen. | 2. No person shall be a Representative who shall not have attained the age of twenty-five years, and been seven years a Citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that State in which he shall be chosen. |
There is no minimum time of citizenship in the Confederate constitution; this was likely to have been an attempt to prevent any kind of weird nonsense resulting from someone making an issue of the fact that the Confederacy had only been in existence for a few months.
| 3. Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several States, which may be included within this Confederacy, according to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding to the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three-fifths of all slaves. The actual enumeration shall be made within three years after the first meeting of the Congress of the Confederate States, and within every subsequent term of ten years, in such manner as they shall by law direct. The number of Representatives shall not exceed one for every fifty thousand, but each State shall have at least one Representative; and until such enumeration shall be made, the State of South Carolina shall be entitled to choose six; the State of Georgia ten; the State of Alabama nine; the State of Florida two; the State of Mississippi seven; the State of Louisiana six; and the State of Texas six. | 3. Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned among the several States which may be included within this Union, according to their respective numbers, which shall be determined by adding the whole number of free persons, including those bound to service for a term of years, and excluding Indians not taxed, three-fifths of all other persons. The actual enumeration shall be made within three years after the first meeting of the Congress of the United States, and within every subsequent term of ten years, in such manner as they shall by law direct. The number of Representatives shall not exceed one for every thirty thousand, but each State shall have at least one Representative; and until such enumeration shall be made, the State of New Hampshire shall be entitled to choose three, Massachusetts eight, Rhode Island and Providence Plantations one, Connecticut five, New York six, New Jersey four, Pennsylvania eight, Delaware one, Maryland six, Virginia ten, North Carolina five, South Carolina five, and Georgia three. |
This section contains two fascinating differences. The first is the clearest—whereas the US constitution euphemizes the matter, the Confederate constitution flat-out states that the people counted as 3/5 of a person for the purposes of representation and taxation are the slaves. One wonders why they included this; I suspect it was because the secessionists were hoping to attract the Upper South, which had a lower percentage of slaves in its population than the Lower South.
Also interesting is the decrease in the maximum number of representatives that can be in the lower house; under the US constitution, theoretically, three hundred thousand people could be represented by ten congressmen, while in the Confederate constitution they could only be represented by six people. It’s an explicitly less democratic provision, and it’s not surprising—South Carolina, for example, did not allocate its presidential electors according to the popular vote until 1856.
The third difference isn’t particularly interesting, because it’s an enumeration of the number of representatives each state gets until they hold a census, and since each polity started with different states it’s just naturally going to be different.
| 4. When vacancies happen in the representation from any State the executive authority thereof shall issue writs of election to fill such vacancies. | 4. When vacancies happen in the representation from any State, the Executive Authority thereof shall issue writs of election to fill such vacancies. |
No difference here, which is unsurprising.
| 5. The House of Representatives shall choose their Speaker and other officers; and shall have the sole power of impeachment; except that any judicial or other Federal officer, resident and acting solely within the limits of any State, may be impeached by a vote of two-thirds of both branches of the Legislature thereof. | 5. The House of Representatives shall choose their Speaker and other officers; and shall have the sole power of impeachment. |
The added portion in the Confederate constitution is extremely interesting, because it’s explicitly a way for states to get rid of agents of the national government that they take a sufficient dislike to. It’s a provision to defend state sovereignty against encroaching national authority, one that encourages the national government to not be completely obnoxious while also making sure that officials couldn’t be removed from office just because they happened to anger some big shot. Still, it’s pretty easy to see how this provision could cause a lot of problems even, or especially, when the national authority was engaged in legitimate intervention.
| Section 3 1. The Senate of the Confederate States shall be composed of two Senators from each State, chosen for six years by the Legislature thereof, at the regular session next immediately preceding the commencement of the term of service; and each Senator shall have one vote. | Section 3 1. The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two Senators from each State, chosen by the Legislature thereof, for six years; and each Senator shall have one vote. |
I’m not sure why the Confederate constitution explicitly says when the state legislatures may choose their senators while the US constitution does not; perhaps to prevent shenanigans wherein a faction might call for a snap legislative session, wait until a quorum where they had a majority was achieved, then hold a vote so their boy could be the senator?
| 2. Immediately after they shall be assembled, in consequence of the first election, they shall be divided as equally as may be into three classes. The seats of the Senators of the first class shall be vacated at the expiration of the second year; of the second class at the expiration of the fourth year; and of the third class at the expiration of the sixth year; so that one-third may be chosen every second year; and if vacancies happen by resignation, or other wise, during the recess of the Legislature of any State, the Executive thereof may make temporary appointments until the next meeting of the Legislature, which shall then fill such vacancies. | 2. Immediately after they shall be assembled in consequence of the first election, they shall be divided as equally as may be into three classes. The seats of the Senators of the first class shall be vacated at the expiration of the second year, of the second class at the expiration of the fourth year, and of the third class at the expiration of the sixth year, so that one-third may be chosen every second year; and if vacancies happen by resignation, or otherwise, during the recess of the Legislature of any State, the Executive thereof may make temporary appointments until the next meeting of the Legislature, which shall then fill such vacancies. |
No difference.
| 3. No person shall be a Senator who shall not have attained the age of thirty years, and be a citizen of the Confederate States; and who shall not, then elected, be an inhabitant of the State for which he shall be chosen. | 3. No person shall be a Senator who shall not have attained to the age of thirty years, and been nine years a Citizen of the United States, and who shall not, when elected, be an inhabitant of that State for which he shall be chosen. |
Again, the only difference between the two clauses is that that the Confederate constitution lacks a minimum time requirement on citizenship.
| 4. The Vice President of the Confederate States shall be president of the Senate, but shall have no vote unless they be equally divided. 5. The Senate shall choose their other officers; and also a president pro tempore in the absence of the Vice President, or when he shall exercise the office of President of the Confederate states. 6. The Senate shall have the sole power to try all impeachments. When sitting for that purpose, they shall be on oath or affirmation. When the President of the Confederate States is tried, the Chief Justice shall preside; and no person shall be convicted without the concurrence of two-thirds of the members present. 7. Judgment in cases of impeachment shall not extend further than to removal from office, and disqualification to hold any office of honor, trust, or profit under the Confederate States; but the party convicted shall, nevertheless, be liable and subject to indictment, trial, judgment, and punishment according to law. | 4. The Vice-President of the United States shall be President of the Senate, but shall have no vote, unless they be equally divided. 5. The Senate shall choose their other officers, and also a President pro tempore, in the absence of the Vice President, or when he shall exercise the office of the President of the United States. 6. The Senate shall have the sole power to try all impeachments. When sitting for that purpose, they shall be on oath or affirmation. When the President of the United States is tried, the Chief Justice shall preside: and no person shall be convicted without the concurrence of two-thirds of the members present. 7. Judgement in cases of impeachment shall not extend further than to removal from office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy any office of honor, trust, or profit under the United States: but the party convicted shall nevertheless be liable and subject to indictment, trial, judgement and punishment, according to law. |
No difference.
| Section 4 1. The times, places, and manner of holding elections for Senators and Representatives shall be prescribed in each State by the Legislature thereof, subject to the provisions of this Constitution; but the Congress may, at any time, by law, make or alter such regulations, except as to the times and places of choosing Senators. | Section 4 1. The times, places and manner of holding elections for Senators and Representatives, shall be prescribed in each State by the Legislature thereof; but the Congress may at any time by law make or alter such regulations, except as to the places of choosing Senators. |
This is one of the few times the Confederate constitution explicitly states the supremacy of the national law over state law in a way that the US constitution does not, and I’m not sure why.
| 2. The Congress shall assemble at least once in every year; and such meeting shall be on the first Monday in December, unless they shall, by law, appoint a different day. | 2. The Congress shall assemble at least once in every year, and such meeting shall be on the first Monday in December, unless they by law appoint a different day. |
The only difference here is that the Confederate constitution includes the word “shall.” I have no idea why, nor do I see how this changes the meaning of the sentence.
| Section 5 1. Each House shall be the judge of the elections, returns, and qualifications of its own members, and a majority of each shall constitute a quorum to do business; but a smaller number may adjourn from day to day, and may be authorized to compel the attendance of absent members, in such manner and under such penalties as each House may provide. 2. Each House may determine the rules of its proceedings, punish its members for disorderly behavior, and, with the concurrence of two-thirds of the whole number, expel a member. 3. Each House shall keep a journal of its proceedings, and from time to time publish the same, excepting such parts as may in their judgment require secrecy; and the yeas and nays of the members of either House, on any question, shall, at the desire of one-fifth of those present, be entered on the journal. 4. Neither House, during the session of Congress, shall, without the consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other place than that in which the two Houses shall be sitting. | Section 5 1. Each House shall be the judge of the elections, returns and qualifications of its own members, and a majority of each shall constitute a quorum to do business; but a smaller number may adjourn from day to day, and may be authorized to compel the attendance of absent members, in such manner, and under such penalties as each House may provide. 2. Each House may determine the rules of its proceedings, punish its members for disorderly behavior, and, with the concurrence of two-thirds, expel a member. 3. Each House shall keep a journal of its proceedings, and from time to time publish the same, excepting such parts as may in their judgement require secrecy; and the yeas and nays of the members of either House on any question shall, at the desire of one-fifth of those present, be entered on the journal. 4. Neither House, during the session of Congress, shall, without the consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to any other place than that in which the two Houses shall be sitting. |
No difference.
| Section 6 1. The Senators and Representatives shall receive a compensation for their services, to be ascertained by law, and paid out of the Treasury of the Confederate States. They shall, in all cases, except treason, felony, and breach of the peace, be privileged from arrest during their attendance at the session of their respective Houses, and in going to and returning from the same; and for any speech or debate in either House, they shall not be questioned in any other place. ‘ | Section 6 1. The Senators and Representatives shall receive a compensation for their services, to be ascertained by law, and paid out of the Treasury of the United States. They shall in all cases, except treason, felony and breach of the peace, be privileged from arrest during their attendance at the session of their respective Houses, and in going to and returning from the same; and for any speech or debate in either House, they shall not be questioned in any other place. |
No difference.
| 2. No Senator or Representative shall, during the time for which he was elected, be appointed to any civil office under the authority of the Confederate States, which shall have been created, or the emoluments whereof shall have been increased during such time; and no person holding any office under the Confederate States shall be a member of either House during his continuance in office. But Congress may, by law, grant to the principal officer in each of the Executive Departments a seat upon the floor of either House, with the privilege of discussing any measures appertaining to his department. | 2. No Senator or Representative shall, during the time for which he was elected, be appointed to any civil office under the authority of the United States, which shall have increased during such time; and no person holding any office under the United States, shall be a member of either House during his continuance in office. |
The first difference here is that the Confederate constitution clarifies and expands on the US constitution’s provisions for when an elected official may not hold a government office, and not unreasonably so.
The second difference, however, is somewhat curious, because I’m honestly not sure what it’s for. What is the purpose of granting the congress the power to give presidential cabinet members floor privileges to discuss the effect of laws within their bailiwick instead of just putting it in the constitution?
The idea itself actually isn’t that crazy, though I can see how it could go wrong—imagine, for example, the Secretary of the Interior embarking on a filibuster to prevent a law from being passed that he thought would negatively affect his department—but giving the executive branch more of an opportunity to give information on its terms to the legislative branch doesn’t sound like a bad idea.
| Section 7 1. All bills for raising revenue shall originate in the House of Representatives; but the Senate may propose or concur with amendments, as on other bills. | Section 7 1. All bills for raising revenue shall originate in the House of Representatives; but the Senate may propose or concur with amendments as on other bills. |
No difference.
| 2. Every bill which shall have passed both Houses, shall, before it becomes a law, be presented to the President of the Confederate States; if he approve, he shall sign it; but if not, he shall return it, with his objections, to that House in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the objections at large on their journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If, after such reconsideration, two-thirds of that House shall agree to pass the bill, it shall be sent, together with the objections, to the other House, by which it shall likewise be reconsidered, and if approved by two-thirds of that House, it shall become a law. But in all such cases, the votes of both Houses shall be determined by yeas and nays, and the names of the persons voting for and against the bill shall be entered on the journal of each House respectively. If any bill shall not be returned by the President within ten days (Sundays excepted) after it shall have been presented to him, the same shall be a law, in like manner as if he had signed it, unless the Congress, by their adjournment, prevent its return; in which case it shall not be a law. The President may approve any appropriation and disapprove any other appropriation in the same bill. In such case he shall, in signing the bill, designate the appropriations disapproved; and shall return a copy of such appropriations, with his objections, to the House in which the bill shall have originated; and the same proceedings shall then be had as in case of other bills disapproved by the President. | 2. Every bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the Senate, shall, before it become a law, be presented to the president of the United States; if he approve, he shall sign it, but if not, he shall return it, with his objections, to that house in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the objections at large on their journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If after such reconsideration, two thirds of that house shall agree to pass the bill, it shall be sent, together with the objections, to the other house, by which it shall likewise be reconsidered, and if approved by two-thirds of that house, it shall become a law. But in all such cases the votes of both houses shall be determined by yeas and nays, and the names of the persons voting for and against the bill shall be entered on the journal of each house respectively. If any bill shall not be returned by the president within ten days (Sundays excepted) after it shall have been presented to him, the same shall be a law, in like manner as if he had signed it, unless the Congress by their adjournment prevent its return, in which case it shall not be a law. |
The first difference here is purely copyediting, and I don’t know why the Confederates made it. Maybe after adding so much they decided to take the opportunity to make something shorter?
The second difference, however, is much more significant, giving to the President the power of the line-item veto, one of the few times the Confederate constitution gives a power to a national institution—the presidency—that the US constitution does not, and it’s one that a lot of presidents would have probably sacrificed their firstborn son for, or at the very least a lot of their other prerogatives. I presume that this was meant to be a strike at pork-barrel politics.
| (3) Every order, resolution, or vote, to which the concurrence of both Houses may be necessary (except on a question of adjournment) shall be presented to the President of the Confederate States; and before the same shall take effect, shall be approved by him; or, being disapproved by him, shall be repassed by two-thirds of both Houses, according to the rules and limitations prescribed in case of a bill. | 3. Every order, resolution, or vote to which the concurrence of the Senate and House of Representatives may be necessary (except on a question of adjournment) shall be presented to the president of the United States; and before the same shall take effect, shall be approved by him, or, being disapproved by him, shall be re-passed by two-thirds of the Senate and House of Representatives, according to the rules and limitations prescribed in the case of a bill. |
Again, the difference here is copyediting.
| Section 8 The Congress shall have power 1. To lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises for revenue, necessary to pay the debts, provide for the common defense, and carry on the Government of the Confederate States; but no bounties shall be granted from the Treasury; nor shall any duties or taxes on importations from foreign nations be laid to promote or foster any branch of industry; and all duties, imposts, and excises shall be uniform throughout the Confederate States. | Section 8 The Congress shall have the power 1. To lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts and excises, to pay the debts and provide for the common defence and general welfare of the United States; but all duties, imposts and excises shall be uniform throughout the United States. |
The main differences here are pretty clear—protectionist tariffs are out, as are “bounties,” which I presume means “if a person produces X, the government will give them a reward.” In other words, yes, protectionist tariffs were actually an issue that the Confederates thought was important, and they did not want them.
| 2. To borrow money on the credit of the Confederate States. | 2. To borrow money on the credit of the United States. |
No difference.
| 3. To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several States, and with the Indian tribes; but neither this, nor any other clause contained in the Constitution, shall ever be construed to delegate the power to Congress to appropriate money for any internal improvement intended to facilitate commerce; except for the purpose of furnishing lights, beacons, and buoys, and other aids to navigation upon the coasts, and the improvement of harbors and the removing of obstructions in river navigation; in all which cases such duties shall be laid on the navigation facilitated thereby as may be necessary to pay the costs and expenses thereof. | 3. To regulate commerce with foreign nations, and among the several states, and with the Indian tribes. |
This is a fascinating provision, one that really emphasizes that there really was a distinctly localist take within the South. The only commercial internal improvements the national government could pay for involved making it easier for waterborne traffic to move, and even then it was supposed to be financed by money charged to those who directly benefited from it.
| 4. To establish uniform laws of naturalization, and uniform laws on the subject of bankruptcies, throughout the Confederate States; but no law of Congress shall discharge any debt contracted before the passage of the same. | 4. To establish an uniform rule of naturalization, and uniform laws on the subject of bankruptcies throughout the United States. |
I’m not entirely sure what the difference here is supposed to be for, but I suspect that it’s to prevent non-payment of debt from being a potential casus belli for the North, and to assure bankers in the North and in Europe that they would not lose out if the Confederacy maintained its independence.
| 5. To coin money, regulate the value thereof, and of foreign coin, and fix the standard of weights and measures. 6. To provide for the punishment of counterfeiting the securities and current coin of the Confederate States. | 5. To coin money, regulate the value thereof, and of foreign coin, and fix the standard of weights and measures. 6. To provide for the punishment of counterfeiting the securities and current coin of the United States: |
No difference.
| 7. To establish post offices and post routes; but the expenses of the Post Office Department, after the first day of March in the year of our Lord eighteen hundred and sixty-three, shall be paid out of its own revenues. | 7. To establish post-offices and post-roads. |
The Confederate post office was apparently supposed to be self-supporting; the secessionists really wanted to make sure that no one snuck in any nationally-funded internal improvements somewhere.
| 8. To promote the progress of science and useful arts, by securing for limited times to authors and inventors the exclusive right to their respective writings and discoveries. 9. To constitute tribunals inferior to the Supreme Court. 10. To define and punish piracies and felonies committed on the high seas, and offenses against the law of nations. 11. To declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and make rules concerning captures on land and water. 12. To raise and support armies; but no appropriation of money to that use shall be for a longer term than two years. 13. To provide and maintain a navy. 14. To make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces. 15. To provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the Confederate States, suppress insurrections, and repel invasions. 16. To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia, and for governing such part of them as may be employed in the service of the Confederate States; reserving to the States, respectively, the appointment of the officers, and the authority of training the militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress. 17. To exercise exclusive legislation, in all cases whatsoever, over such district (not exceeding ten miles square) as may, by cession of one or more States and the acceptance of Congress, become the seat of the Government of the Confederate States; and to exercise like authority over all places purchased by the consent of the Legislature of the State in which the same shall be, for the . erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dockyards, and other needful buildings; and 18. To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this Constitution in the Government of the Confederate States, or in any department or officer thereof. | 8. To promote the progress of science and useful arts, by securing for limited times to authors and inventors the exclusive right to their respective writings and discoveries. 9. To constitute tribunals inferior to the supreme court. 10. To define and punish piracies and felonies committed on the high seas, and offences against the law of nations. 11. To declare war, grant letters of marque and reprisal, and make rules concerning captures on land and water. 12. To raise and support armies, but no appropriation of money to that use shall be for a longer term than two years 13. To provide and maintain a navy: 14. To make rules for the government and regulation of the land and naval forces 15. To provide for calling forth the militia to execute the laws of the union, suppress insurrections and repel invasions 16. To provide for organizing, arming and disciplining the militia, and for governing such part of them as may be employed in the service of the United States, reserving to the states respectively, the appointment of the officers, and the authority of training the militia according to the discipline prescribed by Congress: 17. To exercise exclusive legislation in all cases whatsoever, over such district (not exceeding ten miles square) as may, by cession of particular states, and the acceptance of Congress, become the seat of the government of the United States, and to exercise like authority over all places purchased by the consent of the legislature of the state in which the same shall be, for the erection of forts, magazines, arsenals, dock-yards, and other needful buildings: And, 18. To make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this constitution in the government of the United States, or in any department or officer thereof. |
No difference.
| Section 9 1. The importation of negroes of the African race from any foreign country other than the slaveholding States or Territories of the United States of America, is hereby forbidden; and Congress is required to pass such laws as shall effectually prevent the same. 2. Congress shall also have power to prohibit the introduction of slaves from any State not a member of, or Territory not belonging to, this Confederacy. | Section 9 1. The migration or importation of such persons as any of the states now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not be prohibited by the Congress prior to the year 1808, but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importations, not exceeding 10 dollars for each person. |
The difference between the US and Confederate constitutions is that the latter starts off by prohibiting the trans-Atlantic slave trade and mandating the enforcement of said prohibition, and the former prevents prohibiting it for two decades, though it should be noted that the US banned the trans-Atlantic slave trade almost the moment that it was legally allowed to; also, the former euphemizes the matter while the latter makes it very clear exactly what it’s talking about.
What’s very interesting here is that it explicitly allows for the importation of slaves from non-seceding slaveholding states, but also very explicitly allows the Confederate congress to ban such trade if it decides to. This was actually big business for states like Virginia, so these provisions do two things—first, it makes it clear that they won’t automatically lose a big source of revenue if the Confederacy maintains its independence, but also holds the possibility over their heads.
| 3. The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended, unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may require it. | 2. The privilege of the writ of habeas corpus shall not be suspended, unless when in cases of rebellion or invasion the public safety may require it. |
No difference.
| 4. No bill of attainder, ex post facto law, or law denying or impairing the right of property in negro slaves shall be passed. | 3. No bill of attainder or ex post facto law shall be passed. |
As you can see, in this clause the Confederate constitution specifically enshrines the right to hold “negro slaves.” So if someone wanted to enslave white people or Indians, the national government might be able to ban that, but the national government explicitly cannot ban the enslavement of black people.
This is what an actual white supremacist constitution looks like.
| 5. No capitation or other direct tax shall be laid, unless in proportion to the census or enumeration hereinbefore directed to be taken. | 4. No capitation, or other direct tax shall be laid unless in proportion to the census or enumeration herein before directed to be taken. |
No difference.
| 6. No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any State, except by a vote of two-thirds of both Houses. | 5. No tax or duty shall be laid on articles exported from any state. |
This is another time when the Confederate constitution gives the national government a power it does not have in the US constitution; I assume that, given that the Confederacy would have been an export economy, that this provision was meant to give it the capacity to raise revenue in the event of an emergency.
| 7. No preference shall be given by any regulation of commerce or revenue to the ports of one State over those of another. | 6. No preference shall be given by any regulation of commerce or revenue to the ports of one state over those of another: nor shall vessels bound to, or from one state, be obliged to enter, clear, or pay duties in another. |
Again, we see the localist preferences of the Confederacy at play; the US constitution specifically forbids states from mucking around with the commerce of other states, while the Confederate constitution allows it—i.e., under the US constitution, the state of Louisiana may not force a ship entering the Mississippi River to stop in New Orleans if it is sailing straight to Vicksburg, Mississippi. Under the Confederate constitution, it can. One can only imagine the shenanigans and chaos that would have ensued.
| 8. No money shall be drawn from the Treasury, but in consequence of appropriations made by law; and a regular statement and account of the receipts and expenditures of all public money shall be published from time to time. 9. Congress shall appropriate no money from the Treasury except by a vote of two-thirds of both Houses, taken by yeas and nays, unless it be asked and estimated for by some one of the heads of departments and submitted to Congress by the President; or for the purpose of paying its own expenses and contingencies; or for the payment of claims against the Confederate States, the justice of which shall have been judicially declared by a tribunal for the investigation of claims against the Government, which it is hereby made the duty of Congress to establish. 10. All bills appropriating money shall specify in Federal currency the exact amount of each appropriation and the purposes for which it is made; and Congress shall grant no extra compensation to any public contractor, officer, agent, or servant, after such contract shall have been made or such service rendered. | 7. No money shall be drawn from the treasury but in consequence of appropriations made by law; and a regular statement and account of the receipts and expenditures of all public money shall be published from time to time. |
The added portions here are very interesting, and actually make a certain amount of sense. Clause nine makes it harder for the legislative branch to go off on a wild tangent without the consent of the executive, while clause ten is basically a sunshine law.
| 11. No title of nobility shall be granted by the Confederate States; and no person holding any office of profit or trust under them shall, without the consent of the Congress, accept of any present, emolument, office, or title of any kind whatever, from any king, prince, or foreign state. | 8. No title of nobility shall be granted by the United States: And no person holding any office or profit or trust under them, shall, without the consent of the Congress, accept of any present, emolument, office, or title, of any kind whatever, from any king, prince, or foreign state. |
No difference.
| 12. Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble and petition the Government for a redress of grievances. 13. A well-regulated militia being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear arms shall not be infringed. 14. No soldier shall, in time of peace, be quartered in any house without the consent of the owner; nor in time of war, but in a manner to be prescribed by law. 15. The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated; and no warrants shall issue but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched and the persons or things to be seized. 16. No person shall be held to answer for a capital or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a grand jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia, when in actual service in time of war or public danger; nor shall any person be subject for the same offense to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb; nor be compelled, in any criminal case, to be a witness against himself; nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property without due process of law; nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just compensation. 17. In all criminal prosecutions the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor; and to have the assistance of counsel for his defense. 18. In suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved; and no fact so tried by a jury shall be otherwise reexamined in any court of the Confederacy, than according to the rules of common law. 19. Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted. 20. Every law, or resolution having the force of law, shall relate to but one subject, and that shall be expressed in the title. | I – Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the Government for a redress of grievances. II – A well-regulated militia, being necessary to the security of a free State, the right of the people to keep and bear arms, shall not be infringed. III – No soldier shall, in time of peace be quartered in any house, without the consent of the owner, nor in time of war, but in a manner to be prescribed by law. IV – The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by oath or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized. V – No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment or indictment of a Grand Jury, except in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or in the militia, when in actual service in time of war or public danger; nor shall any person be subject for the same offense to be twice put in jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property, without due process of law; nor shall private property be taken for public use without just compensation. VI – In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by an impartial jury of the State and district wherein the crime shall have been committed, which district shall have been previously ascertained by law, and to be informed of the nature and cause of the accusation; to be confronted with the witnesses against him; to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his favor, and to have the assistance of counsel for his defense. VII – In suits at common law, where the value in controversy shall exceed twenty dollars, the right of trial by jury shall be preserved, and no fact tried by a jury shall be otherwise reexamined in any court of the United States, than according to the rules of the common law. VIII – Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted. |
This section is basically the Bill of Rights put into the original document, rather than added on afterward. Clauses 12-19 of the Confederate Constitution are identical to the First through Eighth Amendments to the US Constitution, so they do not need to be further discussed.
The part that is added by the Confederate constitution is somewhat curious, and one wonders how this would have worked in practice. What constitutes “one subject?” Is the budget for the entire national government for the next year “one subject”? If not, then the budget for each cabinet department? This seems like it’s opening a major can of worms for any sort of legislation—if the vote doesn’t go your way, just go to the courts and claim the bill is unconstitutional because it covers more than one subject or that the title was misleading.
I should note here that the Confederates did not leave out the Ninth and Tenth amendments, but they are located in Article VI.
| Section 10 1. No State shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation; grant letters of marque and reprisal; coin money; make anything but gold and silver coin a tender in payment of debts; pass any bill of attainder, or ex post facto law, or law impairing the obligation of contracts; or grant any title of nobility. | Section 10 1. No state shall enter into any treaty, alliance, or confederation; grant letters of marque and reprisal; coin money; emit bills of credit; make any thing but gold and silver coin a tender in payment of debts; pass any bill of attainder, ex post facto law, or law impairing the obligation of contracts, or grant any title of nobility. |
That the Confederate constitution does not prohibit states from issuing bills of credit is interesting, and I do not understand it beyond simply a compulsion to give the states more power.
| 2. No State shall, without the consent of the Congress, lay any imposts or duties on imports or exports, except what may be absolutely necessary for executing its inspection laws; and the net produce of all duties and imposts, laid by any State on imports, or exports, shall be for the use of the Treasury of the Confederate States; and all such laws shall be subject to the revision and control of Congress. | 2. No state shall, without the consent of the Congress, lay any imposts or duties on imports or exports, except what may be absolutely necessary for executing its inspection laws; and the net produce of all duties and imposts, laid by any state on imports or exports, shall be for the use of the treasury of the United States; and all such laws shall be subject to the revision and control of the Congress. |
No difference.
| 3. No State shall, without the consent of Congress, lay any duty on tonnage, except on seagoing vessels, for the improvement of its rivers and harbors navigated by the said vessels; but such duties shall not conflict with any treaties of the Confederate States with foreign nations; and any surplus revenue thus derived shall, after making such improvement, be paid into the common treasury. Nor shall any State keep troops or ships of war in time of peace, enter into any agreement or compact with another State, or with a foreign power, or engage in war, unless actually invaded, or in such imminent danger as will not admit of delay. But when any river divides or flows through two or more States they may enter into compacts with each other to improve the navigation thereof. | 3. No state shall, without the consent of Congress, lay any duty of tonnage, keep troops, or ships of war in time of peace, enter into any agreement or compact with another state, or with a foreign power, or engage in a war, unless actually invaded, or in such imminent danger as will not admit of delay. |
Here we see once again the localistic tendencies of the Confederacy; here, in both cases, the additions to the US constitutions are both exceptions to prohibitions on state power, each designed to make it easier for states to institute their own internal improvements, which is an item of interest, as it indicates that the secessionists were less opposed to the idea of internal improvements than to the idea of people paying for them who would not directly benefit; i.e., for Mississippi and Louisiana to enter into an agreement with each other to pay to dredge the Mississippi was a fine thing, and should be encouraged, but it would be inappropriate to ask South Carolinians to pay for it.
My. That was long, but I will contend that it is not my fault that Article I is the longest part of both the Confederate and US constitutions. Next time, we’ll finish the comparisons and then look at what we learn when we look at this.
The Soapbox Guild 